Chapter 1 From Community Care to
'For Profit' Industry Concern for community care has existed in the United
States all through its history. It has often been
accompanied by efforts to provide medical services to the
poor and the indigent, or to those who had common interests
in the community or at work. The growth of medicine has never been linear. New ideas
emerge in many places that compete with others and
eventually lead to evolution and compromise. In
psychiatry, throughout the country's history, the surviving
efforts have often been those of people concerned with the
community. In colonial times, Benjamin Franklin was an
advocate for the care of the mentally ill at the
Pennsylvania Hospital since its opening in 1752. The first
public asylum followed in 1773, at Williamsburg,
Virginia. The Quakers, well known for their community work, were
behind efforts to create asylums in the early 18O0's that
were later transformed into leading medical centers. That
was the case with the Friends Asylum in Philadelphia, the
McLean Asylum in Massachusetts, and the Hartford Retreat in
Connecticut. In general medicine, in the late 1800s,
early benevolent societies and religious groups attempted to
provide non-compensated services to selected
populations. In psychiatry, in the mid-1800s and for 40 years,
Dorothea Lynd Dix led a revolution in the community care of
the mentally ill. As noted by Breakey (1), between 1825 and
1865 the number of mental hospitals in the United States
grew from nine to sixty two. The Association of Medical
Superintendents of American Institutions for the Insane,
founded in 1844, was the beginning of The American
Psychiatric Association. It may be long before we have a true perspective on the
accumulation of immigrants, chronic patients and elderly
people in state facilities in the second half of the 19th
century and the first half of the 20th century. The decline
and fall of state facilities in the recent decades has been
a mixed blessing, or no blessing at all for many.(2) Industrialists such as Henry Ford in 1914 and Henry J.
Kaiser in the 1940s, proposed employer-sponsored plans to
provide medical care. Health care cooperatives existed
in the first half of this century. Such was the case of the
Health Care Cooperative proposed by Michael Shadid in 1929,
and the Twin Cities Group Health Association in 1938.(3) In general, these early programs had a limited focus,
either in relation to the services or to the target
population, were not for profit, did not try to include
unwilling participants, nor did they try to define the scope
of medical practice. Also in general, the new managed care industries of
the end of the twenty century have distinctive
characteristics, which happen to be the opposite to those of
the early groups:
©2000 Munoz and
Eist, The People v. Managed Care
1) They call for top-to-bottom imposition of
structures of services. Room for internal debate has
been painfully limited.
2 ) They are applied to any community
regardless of its differential characteristics. One
size fits all has been the rule.
3) They call for obligatory use of new and
untested strategies to diminish the role of
physicians. The treating physician has regularly been
second-guessed regarding diagnosis and treatment. In an
atmosphere of oppression generated by gag-rules,
defending patients has become a regular source of
confrontation.
4) By controlling the patient's ability to
choose physicians, the new companies have become
unwilling partners in an enterprise they loathe. The
consequences have been properly expressed in JAMA(4)
(275, 957 -1196)
History, not to mention common sense, also
tells us that the oppressed, miserable, angry
physicians do not provide good patient care. It was
one thing for physicians to form or joint early
experimental entities because of a commitment to the
model; many did so at great personal and professional
cost because they believed in what they were doing.
Besides, if it did not work out, they could always
return to a vibrant fee for service, solid practice
environment.